自成立以来，CCG对国际关系和中国外交领域保持高度关注，深度追踪中国与美国、加拿大、欧洲、亚洲、非洲、拉美、澳洲、中东等国家与地区的双边经贸关系发展与变化，多年来致力于中美欧合作、一带一路、WTO改革、CPTPP等多边领域的研究，为政策制定建言献策。CCG在连续多年主办的年度品牌论坛设置中美关系、中欧合作等议题，积极开展国际交流活动，充分发挥智库“二轨外交”作用，常态化赴多国调研与交流，发布中美经贸系列中英文研究报告。常年主办系列圆桌研讨会，邀请来自美国、加拿大、英国、澳大利亚、日本、德国、埃及等多国智库专家学者、政要、商界精英、外交使节就国际关系与多边合作等议题进行研讨与交流。
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崔洪建：马克龙破例元月访华 迫切了解中国未来规划
专家简介
2018年1月8日 -
崔洪建：德国“共识政治”危机正在外溢
专家简介
2017年12月18日 -
Grzegorz W.Kolodko：“一带一路”下的“16+1”框架带动中国、东欧国家共赢合作
Grzegorz W. Kolodko，波兰前副总理、CCG国际顾问
2017年11月20日 -
搞了大动作独立公投，又宣布搁置，这到底是为什么
西班牙加泰罗尼亚自治区独立公投风波持续了有接近半个月时间了，最近又有了新进展。
2017年10月16日 -
崔洪建：默克尔艰难胜选后的挑战
Angela Merkel won a fourth straight term as Germany’s Chancellor without suspense after her Christian Democratic Union (CDU)/Christian Socialist Union (CSU) won 33 percent of the vote in federal elections. Meanwhile, the anti-immigration Alternative for Germany (AfD) achieved a historic breakthrough, becoming the first far-right party to sit in parliament in more than half a century. Organizing a cabinet is now a priority for Merkel. The Social Democratic Party (SPD) leader Martin Schulz confirmed earlier that his party would not renew its "grand coalition" with CDU/CSU, but sit in the opposition. A black-yellow-green Jamaica coalition between the CDU/CSU, the Free Democratic Party (FDP) and the Greens seems to be the only feasible choice for Merkel. It may take some time for a coalition government to form, as the CDU/CSU will have to negotiate with the FDP, its coalition partner of 12 years, and the Greens, a party that it has never cooperated with and belongs to a different political camp. More importantly, Merkel’s choice of cabinet is closely related to the AfD’s political destiny. If the "grand coalition" were formed, the AfD would be highly likely to become a major opposition party and thus would have enormous space for growth, thwarting attempts at European integration and opposing Merkel’s refugee policy.The federal election apparently lent a semblance of stability to the situation, but in reality it only postponed some major problems. The ultra-right and ultra-left political forces have already won more than 20 percent support in the country. This is a major challenge for Germany’s future politics and society. No consensus has been reached so far within Germany’s mainstream political parties on how to respond to this political "new normal," which is also a challenge for seasoned Merkel. The "tranquility" of German elections contrasts with the "boisterousness" that characterizes the electoral process in the US and other European nations. This, to a large extent, is true because Germany’s federal election has shouldered the responsibility of providing stability and consensus politics, which has meanwhile placed the country on a risky pedestal. If the Merkel government cannot address euro reform, the refugee crisis, anti-terror cooperation and sustainable development in the next four years, Germany’s political future is hard to predict. In the meantime, German politics’ "ultra-stability" poses a question to the country and Western democracy in general. Germany’s election results, as anticipated by Western mainstream politics, are an outcome of the uniqueness of the country’s politics, but the liberal democracy’s easy-to-compromise political culture, Merkel’s charismatic leadership and the country’s economic advantages can hardly be replicated by other European and Western nations.If it is her last term in office, Merkel will surely accumulate political legacies in economy and diplomacy. Therefore, it is expected that the relationship between a pro-establishment Merkel and an anti-establishment Donald Trump can hardly be better in the next four years, given their divergence in concepts about development path and their different political identities. Meanwhile, Germany and France are unlikely to reach a consensus on euro reform and other major issues given their divergent interests.Merkel’s re-election has ensured continuity of Sino-German ties. Germany’s economic strength and its influence in the Western world, strengthened through the federal election, have buttressed its status as one of the most important partners of China. However, whether the German government can treat China as its main partner at this key stage of industrial development remains to be seen. Germany should first address the issue of its identity within Europe and the West. If the country regards itself as a representative of Europe and even the West, Sino-German ties, which have seen rapid development, may encounter barriers. This is why Chinese observers are relieved, yet concerned, about the "tranquility" of German elections and the country’s political stability.
2017年9月28日
